mental-wellness

Love & Games: The Behavioral Science of Moving On

By Darwin Marrero | InsightDash | Mental Wellness

Editorial note: This article was researched and written by Darwin Marrero. AI writing tools were used in the drafting and editing process. All cited sources, factual claims, and editorial judgments reflect the author’s own research and analysis. The featured image for this article was generated using AI image tools. This article discusses dating, rejection, and emotional processing. Resources for support are included at the end.


I am a 33-year-old who plays competitive video games to decompress after work. I have been single for two years. I tried the apps. I made a connection, lost it, found it again, and then watched it disappear without explanation — via text message — on a day I had cleared my schedule and invited someone into my home for the first time.

I have been thinking about what happened ever since. Not obsessively, but analytically — the way I think about most things. What did his behavior tell me? What did mine tell me? What does the research actually say about the patterns we both fell into? And why does it seem like modern dating has started to feel less like human connection and more like the worst version of solo queue?

That last question turns out to be more than a metaphor. The psychological mechanisms driving low-accountability behavior in online gaming and in digital dating are similar in several important ways. Understanding that doesn’t make rejection hurt less. But it does make sense of it. And sense, for me, is where moving on begins.


What happened — honestly

A few months ago I matched with someone on a dating app. I’ll call them “Jorge” out of respect for their privacy. We talked for over two weeks and I felt a genuine connection — the kind that’s rare enough on apps to feel significant. Then one day, while I was out hosting a birthday celebration for one of my closest friends, he sent me a message asking for a photo of my feet. He mentioned he had a foot fetish.

I didn’t respond. I didn’t explain why. I simply stopped talking to him — what most people would call ghosting, even if it wasn’t entirely intentional in that moment.

The context matters: I had a previous experience with someone whose approach to a foot fetish had made me feel deeply uncomfortable — objectified in a way that stayed with me. Jorge’s message wasn’t inappropriate or aggressive. He was simply expressing something about himself. But it landed on an unresolved wound from a different experience, and my reaction was immediate. Because I had never met Jorge in person and wasn’t sure how to explain the complicated history behind my response, I went quiet. He didn’t follow up. The connection ended.

Two months later, Jorge reached out again while he was visiting Puerto Rico. Something shifted. We finally met in person. He was kind, attractive, and had his life together. I enjoyed talking to him. For about a month things seemed to be going well. I did most of the traveling — he lived an hour away and I made the trip to see him repeatedly. The day he was finally supposed to come to my side of town for the first time, he ended things by text. He said he didn’t feel the connection he was looking for. Then he stopped responding.

I had cleared my schedule. I had my home looking spotless and to myself. I had even told him he could bring his dog.

I am writing this article because I think what happened between Jorge and me is not unusual. I think it reflects specific, documented psychological patterns — in both of us — that are worth examining honestly. Not to assign blame but to understand.


The low-accountability culture we both participated in

Ghosting — the act of ending a relationship by ceasing all communication without explanation — has become normalized to a degree that would have seemed remarkable twenty years ago. Research by LeFebvre and colleagues (2019) found that the majority of dating app users have both experienced ghosting and engaged in it themselves. The behavior is so common that it has developed its own vocabulary, its own Reddit threads, and its own academic literature.

The psychological explanation for why ghosting has become the default exit strategy in modern dating is not primarily about cruelty. It is about the structure of the environment in which dating now happens.

Psychologist John Suler’s (2004) work on the online disinhibition effect identifies six factors that shape how people behave in digital spaces: dissociative anonymity, invisibility, asynchronicity, solipsistic introjection, dissociative imagination, and minimization of authority. When these six factors combine, people behave in ways they would not in person — sometimes more generously, often less accountably.

Dating apps can activate all or several of these factors simultaneously. You are interacting with someone you have not met. The consequences of disengaging can feel abstract because online interaction reduces immediate social cues and psychological distance from the other person. There is no moment of eye contact, no social network in common, no shared physical space that makes the other person fully real. The result is an environment that structurally lowers the cost of disappearing — and when the cost of something drops, people are more likely to do it.

I ghosted Jorge the first time. Jorge ghosted me the second time. Neither of us was a villain. Both of us were responding predictably to an environment designed to make disappearing easy.

The parallel to online gaming is not incidental. Competitive gaming environments share several structural feature with dating apps: anonymity, low social consequence for hostile or dismissive behavior, disposable interactions with strangers, and an implicit norm that disengagement carries no real cost. Research on toxic behavior in online gaming often identifies disinhibition factors similar to those Suler described, which helps explain why the cultures that emerge in both spaces can look similar (Suler, 2004; Berkowitz, 1989). The person who flames a teammate and then leaves the match and the person who texts a breakup and then goes silent are operating under similar psychological logic: the environment has made it easy, so the behavior becomes common, and once it becomes common it starts to feel normal.

What this means practically is that normalizing accountability — having the conversation even when it’s uncomfortable, even through text, even with someone you haven’t known long — is an act that runs against the structural current of these environments. It requires deliberate effort precisely because the default has been designed out of the interaction.

Suler’s six online disinhibition factors Six boxes arranged in two rows showing Suler’s named factors: dissociative anonymity, invisibility, asynchronicity, solipsistic introjection, dissociative imagination, minimization of authority. An arrow points to ghosting becomes the default exit. Dissociative anonymity Identity is hidden or unknown Invisibility No physical presence or cues Asynchronicity No immediate response required Solipsistic introjection Others feel like inner characters Dissociative imagination Online world feels separate Minimization of authority No status or hierarchy signals Ghosting becomes the default exit Source: Suler (2004)
Figure 1. Suler’s six online disinhibition factors. Dating apps activate all six simultaneously — which is why low-accountability behavior like ghosting isn’t primarily about cruelty. It is a structural output of the environment. Source: Suler (2004).

I could have told Jorge, the first time, why I went quiet. He might have understood. He might not have. Either way, I would have treated him as a person whose experience deserved acknowledgment — and I would have treated myself as someone capable of setting a boundary through words rather than silence. That’s worth something, independent of the outcome.


Why people judge you for how you decompress

I am a competitive gamer. I have been for most of my life. And I have learned, through enough dating experiences to see the pattern clearly, that this fact lands differently depending on who hears it.

Some people are curious. Some are indifferent. Others — and this is the group I want to examine — react with something that looks like disappointment, or mild contempt, or a quiet recalibration of how they see me. The judgment is rarely stated directly. It shows up in a tone shift, a pause, a question that carries an assumption inside it: Don’t you think that’s kind of immature? Or more often, just a subtle withdrawal of the version of me they had decided to be interested in.

The behavioral science explanation for this is rooted in what researchers call hobby stigma — the social devaluation of leisure activities that fall outside dominant cultural norms for a given demographic. Video gaming, despite being one of the most widely practiced leisure activities in the world, carries persistent stigma particularly for adults, and particularly in romantic contexts (Shaw, 2012). The stigma is not random. It is structured around two specific attributions that partners or potential partners make when they learn someone games seriously.

The first is the: neglect attribution. Research on leisure and relationship satisfaction consistently shows that partners interpret time spent on solitary hobbies as time withheld from the relationship — even when the behavior predates the relationship and is explicitly a decompression practice rather than a preference for games over people (Holmberg and Blair, 2009). The logic is emotional rather than rational: if you are playing games instead of engaging with me after work, the feeling that arises is one of low priority, regardless of whether that interpretation is accurate.

This attribution is worth examining carefully because it contains a significant assumption — that the correct way to show care for a partner is continuous availability, and that any activity that reduces that availability is a form of withdrawal. That assumption is not supported by the relationship science. Research on autonomy in relationships consistently shows that partners who maintain independent interests and decompression practices report higher relationship satisfaction over time, not lower (Deci and Ryan, 1985; Aron and colleagues, 2000). The partner who needs space to decompress after work is not neglecting the relationship. They are maintaining the psychological resources that make sustained engagement possible.

The second attribution is the maturity assumption — the belief that gaming is something adults are supposed to outgrow, and that continued engagement with it signals arrested development. This assumption is culturally constructed rather than empirically grounded. It reflects a hierarchy of leisure activities in which physically active or culturally prestigious hobbies signal maturity while interactive entertainment does not — a hierarchy that has no meaningful basis in psychological research on adult development (Vorderer and colleagues, 2006).

What both attributions share is that they say more about the person making the judgment than the person being judged. The neglect attribution reflects an anxious attachment pattern in which a partner’s independent activity triggers a threat response. The maturity assumption reflects internalized cultural hierarchies about what respectable adults are supposed to do with their free time. Neither attribution is an accurate read of the person gaming. Both are projections.

This matters for moving on because it reframes the experience of being judged for something that is genuinely part of who you are. The judgment is not information about your worth. It is information about the other person’s attachment patterns and internalized beliefs about leisure — neither of which is your responsibility to correct or accommodate.


What Jorge’s behavior tells us — and what it doesn’t

I want to be careful here. I knew Jorge for about a month. I do not have access to his internal experience, his attachment history, or the full context of his decision. What I have are behavioral observations and some informed hypotheses drawn from the research.

What I observed: Jorge lived alone with his dog, went to bed early, prioritized his home environment, identified as someone good at reading people, and found the relationship — in his words — lacking the connection he was looking for. He ended things by text on a day that required him to leave his routine and travel to an unfamiliar environment.

The research on avoidant attachment style is relevant here. Avoidant attachment, described by Bowlby (1969) and later operationalized by Hazan and Shaver (1987), is characterized by discomfort with emotional closeness, a strong preference for self-sufficiency, and a tendency to withdraw from relationships when intimacy demands increase. People with avoidant attachment often function well in early relationship stages, when interaction is low-stakes and self-disclosure is limited, and become more likely to disengage as the relationship deepens and the implicit demands on their autonomy increase.

I am not diagnosing Jorge. I am noting that his pattern of behavior — comfortable at a distance, disengaging as proximity increased, exiting at the precise moment the relationship required him to enter my physical space for the first time — is consistent with what the research describes. That consistency is not an excuse for how he handled it. It is a possible explanation that makes the experience less about me and more about a pattern that likely predates me entirely.

Secure vs avoidant attachment comparison A side by side comparison showing how secure and avoidant attachment styles differ across early stage, growing intimacy, conflict, and exit strategy. Secure attachment Avoidant attachment Early stage Open and engaged Also comfortable — distance feels safe As intimacy grows Leans in, stays engaged Starts to feel pressure, pulls back Conflict arises Communicates directly Goes quiet or exits Exit strategy Honest conversation Disappears or sends a text
Figure 2. Secure versus avoidant attachment across relationship stages. The key insight: avoidant attachment often looks identical to secure attachment in the early stage. The pattern only becomes visible as intimacy demands increase — which is why it can come as a surprise. Source: Bowlby (1969); Hazan and Shaver (1987).

The belief that Jorge was “good at reading people” is also worth examining briefly. Research on illusory superiority — the documented tendency for people to overestimate their own abilities relative to others (Kruger and Dunning, 1999) — suggests that confidence in one’s ability to read others is not strongly correlated with actual accuracy. The person who believes they are exceptionally perceptive may be more likely to make fast, final judgments rather than sitting with ambiguity. That is a hypothesis, not a conclusion. But it is one that reframes the “I didn’t feel the connection” explanation as potentially reflecting his perceptual style as much as an accurate assessment of what was between us.


What my behavior tells me

I went quiet the first time because a message triggered a response rooted in a previous experience that had made me feel objectified and uncomfortable. That response was not irrational. It was a conditioned reaction — what researchers in the trauma literature would describe as a stimulus generalization response, in which a new stimulus that resembles a previous aversive experience activates the same emotional and behavioral pattern (Foa and Kozak, 1986).

That message landed on a wound I hadn’t fully processed. My response was to protect myself by withdrawing. That is a legitimate form of self-protection — and it’s worth noting that Jorge wasn’t doing anything wrong by sharing that about himself. He was being honest. The reaction was mine, rooted in something that had nothing to do with him. What I could have done differently — and what I am sitting with now — is whether I could have protected myself while also treating Jorge as a person deserving of a response, however brief. “That’s not something I’m comfortable with” is a complete sentence. It would have cost me very little and given him something I would have wanted in his position.

I raise this not as self-criticism but as a specific, actionable reflection. The research on self-compassion is consistent on this point: the goal after recognizing a pattern you’d do differently is not self-judgment but self-knowledge (Neff, 2003). I now know that my instinct under conditions of unexpected discomfort is to go quiet rather than speak. That is useful information going forward.

The two months I spent not dating after that first ghosting — that, I understand clearly. After an interaction that triggered something unresolved, withdrawal was a reasonable response. The research on rejection sensitivity (Downey and Feldman, 1996) describes how people with heightened sensitivity to rejection — often developed through prior experiences of dismissal or objectification — tend to anticipate rejection even in neutral interactions, which makes initiating new connections feel disproportionately costly. Whether or not rejection sensitivity is the right frame for my two months of withdrawal, the emotional logic of it makes sense: I had been reminded of something painful, and I needed time before I was willing to be that open again.

What I want to be careful about going forward is letting that protective withdrawal become a permanent default. The research on avoidance and emotional processing is clear: avoiding the contexts that produce difficult emotions reduces distress in the short term and increases it in the long term, because avoidance prevents the processing that produces genuine resolution (Foa and Kozak, 1986). The answer to a painful dating experience is not to stop dating indefinitely. It is to process what happened, understand what it tells me about my own patterns, and re-engage when I am ready — with more self-knowledge than I had before.


The gaming parallel — and what it actually means

Here is what I keep coming back to: the experience of being in a relationship where your hobbies are viewed as a problem is not structurally different from the experience of being on a team where your contribution is dismissed without evidence. In both cases, someone has made a fast judgment about your value based on a surface feature — what you do in your free time, how you play — rather than who you actually are or what you actually bring.

The behavioral science of snap judgments is relevant here — but not in the way you might expect. Research on thin-slicing by Ambady and Rosenthal (1992) found that rapid judgments from brief observations are often surprisingly accurate, with an average effect size of r=.39 across studies. In other words, people are reasonably good at reading others quickly.

The problem is not that snap judgments are uniformly wrong. It is that they are accurate about some things and systematically unreliable about others — and hobby preferences are a poor signal for the qualities that actually predict compatibility. The partner who decides a gamer is immature from a single data point is making a fast judgment about a surface feature and treating it as a verdict on character. The accuracy that thin-slicing research documents tends to come from reading behavioral and emotional cues — warmth, engagement, competence — not from inferring character from leisure activity. A fast judgment about what someone does in their free time is not the same cognitive operation as a fast read of how someone treats people. Conflating the two is where the error lives.

What competitive gaming has actually taught me — and I say this without irony — is that fast judgments under emotional pressure are almost always less accurate than slower, more considered ones. Tilt produces exactly this: snap decisions made under stress that feel certain and plausibly wrong. The parallel in dating is the person who makes a fast judgment about your hobbies, your living situation, or your sleep schedule and decides that these surface features tell them everything they need to know about whether you are worth investing in.

They don’t. And the person worth being with is the one who is curious enough to find out what’s actually there.


How to actually move on — what the research says

Moving on from a painful experience is not a single decision. It is a process with identifiable stages, and the research suggests that trying to skip stages — forcing positivity, immediately dating again, or alternatively closing off entirely — tends to extend rather than shorten the timeline.

Name what happened accurately. Not dramatically, not minimized. Jorge ended a month-long connection by text and then went silent. That was hurtful and low-accountability. It was not catastrophic. Both things are true. Research on cognitive appraisal by Lazarus and Folkman (1984) shows that accurate labeling of a stressor — neither minimizing nor catastrophizing — produces better coping outcomes than distorted appraisals in either direction.

Separate his behavior from your worth. Gottman’s (1994) research on relationship dynamics distinguishes between complaints about specific behaviors and character attacks. Jorge’s behavior tells you something about his patterns, his readiness, and the structural context of digital dating. It tells you nothing about whether you are worth a committed partner’s time and effort. Those are different questions. Keeping them separate is not self-deception — it is accurate thinking.

Process before you re-engage. The research on emotional processing suggests that full reengagement before processing is complete tends to repeat patterns rather than revise them (Foa and Kozak, 1986). This article is part of that processing. So is the honest self-examination of what you would do differently. So is sitting with the discomfort of not having a clean explanation for why it ended — because sometimes there isn’t one, and the tolerance for ambiguity is itself a skill worth developing.

Revise, don’t retreat. The goal is not to date less cautiously or more cautiously, but more wisely — with a clearer understanding of the attachment patterns, communication styles, and compatibility markers that matter to you specifically. The experience with Jorge generated information. The information is: you value someone who meets you halfway, literally and figuratively. Someone whose routine has room for another person. Someone who communicates rather than disappears. These are not unreasonable things to want. They are searchable.

Give yourself time without a timeline. Self-determination theory (Deci and Ryan, 1985) is consistent on this point: pressure to feel a particular way by a particular time undermines the autonomy that makes genuine emotional recovery possible. You will be ready to date again when you are ready — not on someone else’s schedule, not according to a rule about how long grief or disappointment is supposed to last.

The five-step moving on framework Five sequential steps: name it accurately, separate behavior from worth, process before re-engaging, revise not retreat, and no timeline. 01 — Name it accurately Neither minimize nor catastrophize 02 — Separate behavior from worth His exit is not a verdict on your value 03 — Process before re-engaging Avoidance extends the timeline 04 — Revise, not retreat Date more wisely, not less 05 — No timeline Ready when you’re ready
Figure 3. The moving on framework derived from behavioral science research. The steps are sequential but not linear — most people move through them in passes rather than once. The goal is self-knowledge, not speed. Sources: Lazarus and Folkman (1984); Foa and Kozak (1986); Deci and Ryan (1985).

The short version

Dating apps and online gaming communities share a structural feature that makes low-accountability behavior the path of least resistance: they are both environments where the cost of disappearing has been engineered down to nearly zero. Understanding that doesn’t excuse ghosting — yours or anyone else’s. It does make it less personal.

The people who have judged you for gaming were not seeing you clearly. They were seeing a surface feature and running it through their own assumptions about maturity and attention. That is information about them, not about you.

Jorge’s exit probably says more about his attachment patterns and his relationship to routine and change than it does about the connection between the two of you. You will likely never know for certain. The ambiguity is uncomfortable. It is also, in time, survivable.

What you know now that you didn’t know before: you are capable of genuine connection, even after two years of not finding it. You know what it feels like when someone is worth making the drive for. You know what you would do differently in the first conversation. You know what you are looking for more precisely than you did a month ago.

That’s not nothing. In fact, in the behavioral science of moving on, that’s most of it.


If you’re struggling

If this article brought up feelings heavier than a dating disappointment — if you’re processing something that feels unmanageable — please reach out for support.

Crisis Text Line: Text HOME to 741741 — free, confidential, 24/7

The Trevor Project (LGBTQ+ youth and young adults): 1-866-488-7386 or text START to 678-678 — available 24/7

NAMI Helpline: 1-800-950-6264 — Monday through Friday, 10am to 10pm ET


References

Ambady, N., and Rosenthal, R. (1992). Thin slices of expressive behavior as predictors of interpersonal consequences: A meta-analysis. Psychological Bulletin, 111(2), 256-274. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.111.2.256

Aron, A., Norman, C. C., Aron, E. N., McKenna, C., and Heyman, R. E. (2000). Couples’ shared participation in novel and arousing activities and experienced relationship quality. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 78(2), 273-284. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.78.2.273

Berkowitz, L. (1989). Frustration-aggression hypothesis: Examination and reformulation. Psychological Bulletin, 106(1), 59-73. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.106.1.59

Bowlby, J. (1969). Attachment and loss, Vol. 1: Attachment. Basic Books.

Deci, E. L., and Ryan, R. M. (1985). Intrinsic motivation and self-determination in human behavior. Plenum Press.

Downey, G., and Feldman, S. I. (1996). Implications of rejection sensitivity for intimate relationships. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 70(6), 1327-1343. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.70.6.1327

Foa, E. B., and Kozak, M. J. (1986). Emotional processing of fear: Exposure to corrective information. Psychological Bulletin, 99(1), 20-35. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.99.1.20

Gottman, J. M. (1994). What predicts divorce? The relationship between marital processes and marital outcomes. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

Hazan, C., and Shaver, P. (1987). Romantic love conceptualized as an attachment process. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 52(3), 511-524. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.52.3.511

Holmberg, D., and Blair, K. L. (2009). Sexual desire, communication, satisfaction, and preferences of men and women in same-sex versus mixed-sex relationships. Journal of Sex Research, 46(1), 57-66. https://doi.org/10.1080/00224490802645294

Kruger, J., and Dunning, D. (1999). Unskilled and unaware of it: How difficulties in recognizing one’s own incompetence lead to inflated self-assessments. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 77(6), 1121-1134. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.77.6.1121

Lazarus, R. S., and Folkman, S. (1984). Stress, appraisal, and coping. Springer.

LeFebvre, L. E., Allen, M., Rasner, R. D., Garstad, S., Wilms, A., and Parrish, C. (2019). Ghosting in emerging adults’ romantic relationships: The digital dissolution disappearance strategy. Imagination, Cognition and Personality, 39(2), 125-150. https://doi.org/10.1177/0276236618820519

Neff, K. D. (2003). The development and validation of a scale to measure self-compassion. Self and Identity, 2(3), 223-250. https://doi.org/10.1080/15298860309027

Shaw, A. (2012). Do you identify as a gamer? Gender, race, sexuality, and gamer identity. New Media and Society, 14(1), 28-44. https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444811410394

Suler, J. (2004). The online disinhibition effect. CyberPsychology and Behavior, 7(3), 321-326. https://doi.org/10.1089/1094931041291295

Vorderer, P., Klimmt, C., and Ritterfeld, U. (2006). Enjoyment: At the heart of media entertainment. Communication Theory, 14(4), 388-408. https://doi.org/10.1093/ct/14.4.388


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Avg habit formation
66 days
Not 21. UCL research, 96 participants.
Loss aversion ratio
2 : 1
Losses hit twice as hard as wins feel good.
SDT core needs
3
Autonomy, competence, relatedness.
Sponsored opinions
Zero
Research-first. Always cited. Never sold.

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